MULTILINGUALISM IN NIGERIA: A BANE OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE QUESTION

MULTILINGUALISM IN NIGERIA: A BANE OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE QUESTION

ABSTRACT

This research work addresses Multilingualism in Nigeria as a bane of the National Language question It also reviewed the problem and prospects of the language situation in Nigeria, They problems are choice of a lingua franca, language standardization, and political domination. It foregrounds that through the continuous use of English as the nation’s lingua franca is tantamount to perpetuating colonialism and imperialism, yet there is prevalent and ever-increasing mutual suspicion of ethnolinguistic groups to the use of another Nigeria Language.  This research work summits that English appears to have been surreptitiously attached to the destiny of Nigeria, and any attempt to alter the status quo as it is, in favor of the one Nigeria languages, will lead to a chain of socio-political crises that will assuredly threaten the as lingua franca corporate existence of Nigeria.

  

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

    Background to the Study

A national language is a language (or language variant, i.e. dialect) which has some connection – defacto or dejure - with a peopled and perhaps by extension the territory it occupies. The term is used variously. A national language may, for instance, represent the national identity of a nation or country. A national language may alternatively be a designation given to one or more languages spoken as the first language in the territory of a country.

”National language” and “official language” are best understood as two concepts or legal categories with ranges of meaning that may coincide, or may be intentionally separate. Obviously, a stateless nation is not in the position to legislate an official language, but their language may be considered a national language.

          Some languages may be recognized popularly as “national languages” while others may enjoy a high degree of official recognition. Some example of national languages that are not official languages include Cherokee, and Navajo (and other living Native American languages) Bamgbose, 1991).   

In many African countries, some or all indigenous African languages are legally recognized as “national language” with official language” status being to the former colonial languages (English, French, Portuguese, or Spanish). Certain languages may enjoy government recognition or even status as an official language in some countries while not in others. Besides the official English (standard Nigeria English), Nigeria recognizes three major or national languages. These are the big three, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba, each with some 20 million speakers or more.

          Multilingualism is a sociolinguistic phenomenon that arises as a result of language contact. It is a situation in which two (i.e. bilingualism, specifically) or more languages operate within the same context. Factors such as political annexation, marital relation, economic transaction, cultural association, educational acquisition, and religious affiliation bring about multilingualism. All these factors underpin the socio-political landscape of Nigeria today even though the combination of political annexation and economic transaction or exploitation originally brought the people referred to as Nigerians today in contact with the English people. The advent of the English colonialists in the 18th century brought about ‘linguistic imperialism’ a situation by which, according to Asne (1979) as cited in Fanilola (1988:89). “The minds and lives of the speakers of the language are dominated by another language to the point where they believe that they can and should use only the foreign language when it comes to transactions dealing with the advanced aspects of life such as educational philosophy, literature, government, the administration of justice”.

          Through overt and covert means such as trade and commerce, educational, policies and ordinances, missionary activities, schools, literature, constitutions, jobs opportunities, and political might, English was successfully entrenched in Nigeria. With the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates in 1914 came the needs, in a more crucial dimension to have a common tongue for the country. With the promotion of English in every stratum of national life, including nationalist activities, arose the subjugation of about 450 Nigeria languages, the major ones of which include Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Fulani, Kanuri, Ibibio, Tiv, Ijo, Edo Urhobo, Nupe, Idoma, just to mention a few.

When Nigeria attained her political independence, “linguistic imperialism” has to be sustained in the interest of the nation. This is because there was no indigenous language that could perform the function of English because of the mutual suspicion of, and ethnic consciousness among, virtually all Nigerians. Multilingualism which should be viewed as an asset, an embodiment of the cultured diversity and linguistic enrichment of the country, became a liability and the popular attitude to it is that associated with the “the curse of Babel”.

          At the risk of being alleged to be aiding and abetting “linguistic imperialism” in some quarters, the incontrovertible truth about the state of the nation today, as it was yesterday, is that no indigenous language is acceptable to all Nigerians. The view presented by Nida and Wonderly (1971:65) is prevalent and correct until today. They contend that “in Nigeria, there is simply no politically neutral language. In fact, the division into three major regions reflects the three language poles: Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo. The political survival of Nigeria as a country would even be more three languages were promoted by the government as being the one national language.

          The observation of Nida and   Wonderly receive further justification in the submission of the foremost nationalist and prominent Nigeria, Chief Anthony Enahoro recently. Enahoro (2002:18-19) demonstrates the status quo constitutional recognition of even Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba. He contends that such official recognition is tantamount to brazen-faced discrimination and ipso facto is unacceptable. The illocutionary force of Enahoro’s views clearly reveals his attitudinal disposition to the three major Nigeria languages. It further shows that whether we like it or not, call it ‘linguistic imperialism’, ‘colonial mentality’, ‘inferiority complex’ or pessimistic prognosis’, the fact remains that the English language will continue to triumph, and the language policy will continue to be a paper affair. To quote Enahoro at length is not superfluous or impertinent:

All the languages of Nigeria have equal validity, or if you please equal lack of validity, before the laws and under the constitution. No linguistic group has the right - the moral or constitutional right – to impose his (sic) language on any other linguistic group in the country. One might even go further to say that no collection of linguistic groups have the linguistic right to impose their separate language on the other linguistic groups in the country. Any attempt to impose any particular tribal language or language on the country is fraught with grave danger for the peaceful development of the federation. The government should not confer on some Nigeria languages the potentiality of the instrument of domination over other Nigeria groups. Over one billion people speak Chinese and nearly one billions people speak Hindi, yet it has never been suggested that these two mass languages should, therefore, be imposed on the rest of the world or that UNESCO should promote them as world languages in preference to English or Arabic.