Adolescent times of storm and stress revised

Adolescent times of storm and stress revised

This paper focuses on two issues regarding theories of adolescence. The first one, which has been a topic of discussion for a long time, concerns whether adolescence should be regarded as either an uncomplicated or a turbulent period. In the latter case, it is aspired in this paper to find out which factors account for such turbulence. The second issue, which arose more recently, concerns the continually longer postponement of the transition to adulthood. These topics are empirically addressed

using the data of the second Flemish Youth Monitor. Analyses indicate that the loss of childhood innocence causes adolescents to have a more realistic evaluation of living, self, and relationships. For adolescents whose ties with parents and their school environment are less tight, this can cause heightened stress in terms of lowered self-esteem and negative future prospects. These stresses, however, cannot account for the rise in delinquent activity during this developmental stage, for the analyses indicate that adolescent delinquency rather results from a more outgoing lifestyle.

Finally, the idea of a prolongation of ‘storm and stress’ cannot be supported by the data, since it is found that most youths find their balance back around age 22.

 STORM AND STRESS

The idea of adolescence is a period of ‘storm and stress’ – a perspective which was introduced by Hall (1904) and supported by the psychoanalytic tradition (Freud,1958) and Erikson’s (1968) definition of adolescence as a time of identity crisis –was popular for most of the 20th century. In this view, adolescence is characterized as an inevitably turbulent process; accompanied by negative moods, a problematic relationship with parents and risky behavior, including delinquency (Deković & Buist,2004; Gecas & Seff, 1990; Goossens, 2006a). Since the 1980s, however, improved empirical data caused this view to stagger. Even though the notion that adolescents would have a despondent temper is (cautiously) supported – adolescents experience slightly more negative emotionality than children (overview in Goossens, 2006b) – it was also determined that for most adolescents, the relationship with parents does not become troubled (Boer, 2004; Deković & Buist, 2004; Gecas & Seff, 1990). Despite these findings, the increase of internalizing and externalizing the problem behaviors in this developmental stage indicate that the idea of adolescence as tumultuous and on occasion miserable period, cannot just be discarded (Alsaker & Dick-Niederhauser, 2006; Burssens, 2007; Hooge, Decaluwé & Goossens, 2000;Junger-Tas, Steketee & Moll, 2008; Moffitt, 1993; Slot, 2004). Reasons for this discomfort were introduced by different scientific disciplines.

 It is more specifically the interaction between biological-emotional, cognitive and social indicators that are most referred to in this case.

Biological-emotional development

From a biological perspective, the despondent moods adolescents endure can be clarified by the bodily changes they go through. Even though the direct effects changes in behavior-activating hormones (such as testosterone) are often referred to as the number one explanation in this context, the debate about their actual impact still exists. After all, empirical data portray that the link between these changes and

mood is too weak to provide a full explanation (Doreleijers & Jansen, 2004; Steinberg, 2002; Walsh, 2000). Another observation that could add to this incomplete explanation consists of the late maturation of the prefrontal cortex (PFC), the brain part that is responsible for the regulation of emotions, planning, reasoning, and self-control. Furthermore, drastic changes in the neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin – responsible for emotional stimuli in the limbic system of the brain –occur during adolescence. These cause the individual to simultaneously experience a heightened sensitivity for stress and a lowered susceptibility for rewards. It is thus the conflicting combination of a PFC that is not yet completely developed and hormonal changes that cause adolescents to experience more adversity and difficulties in their relationships.

 For some of them, these will be enacted through internalizing or externalizing problem behavior (Doreleijers & Jansen, 2004; Spear,2000; Steinberg, 2002; Walsh, 2000).

Cognitive development

Cognitive abilities, such as memory or problem-solving skills, undergo a vast evolution during adolescence. Adolescents acquire the ability of abstract and hypothetical thinking. They can picture situations that did not (yet) occur – for instance, their time perspective broadens which makes them able to contemplate their own future – and they are able to discuss conceptually constructs (Steinberg,

2002). They also obtain the capacity to combine and generalize different factors in the search for an explanation of the matters they are confronted with, in this way exercising logic-deductive reasoning (Lehalle, 2006).

Furthermore, adolescents become more aware of events in their surroundings but are not yet able to put them in the right context (Lewin, 1939). They are most occupied with themselves (Elkind, 1967; Olthof, 2004), therefore they process new impressions exclusively from their individual perspective. Elkind (1967:1029) referred to this phenomenon as “adolescent egocentrism”. According to him, this

egocentrism results from the fact that adolescents develop the ability to consider the ideas and conditions of others, but at the same time still, lack the capacity to distinguish between what they think and what others think. Adolescent egocentrism intensifies emotional reactions to stimuli from the environment, which may trouble the relationship with others that mean well. For a much-announced plight in

adolescence exists of ‘nobody understands what I am going through.

Social conditions

Adolescents grow out of their childhood years and aspire the status of an adult person. Expectations of significant others amplify these aspirations; adolescents are encouraged to act mature, ‘childish behavior’ is frowned upon. A strong desire for independence is thus created (Greenberg, 1977; Lewin, 1939; Moffitt, 1993).

This desire however sharply contrasts with the restrictions that adolescents experience in reality, such as a lack of money or a lack of authority. In daily life, most decisions are still taken by others (in most cases by parents). Hence, the individual does not obtain full access to an adult position but lingers between child and adult status. Moffitt (1993:687) denominates this as a “maturity gap”, a gap between biological age and social position. The desire for independence also drives adolescents to rely more on their peers, developing a strong want for peer popularity (Greenberg, 1977; Hay & Ashman, 2003; Wilkinson, 2004). Yet obtaining peer popularity can be a competitive matter, dependant on subtle social advantages or skills such as athletic competence, intelligence, attractive look, etc. (Agnew, 1997). For adolescents who do not possess (one of) these trait(s), gaining popularity can be difficult. The fact that the adolescent is not yet granted adult status, but already surpassed childhood, may accordingly contribute to a negative temper and troubled relationships with adults, most importantly with parents. Uncertainty about the group one belongs to can cause the individual to feel pushed into a marginal position and result in oversensitivity (Lewin, 1939). In reaction, adolescents will look for emotional support amongst peers who are in a similar position. However, for some of them, acceptance by peers is difficult to obtain. Therefore peer-relations can also be a source of stress in adolescence.